By David N. O’Steen, Ph.D.,
Executive Director,
National Right to Life
A determined, one-sided media together with a
sequence of most unfortunate statements by candidates created a
“perfect storm” that played into and greatly augmented the
pro-abortion narrative in this election. This effectively
neutralized the usual pro-life advantage.
The pro-life movement and pro-life candidates
cannot ever let this happen again. We must see that the issue before
the public is how and why abortion is actually used in this country,
and, of course, the baby who dies. If this is done, then with a
majority opposed to abortion on demand pro-life political victories
will once again be the norm.
Much has been written about the effect of
abortion on the 2012 presidential race and the apparent sudden shift
in polls from the pro-life plurality (or majority, which we have
seen in recent years) to a plurality or bare majority
self-identifying as pro-choice. What has not been reported is that
1) of those who voted on the basis of abortion, the pro-life vote
for pro-life candidates essentially equaled the pro-abortion vote
for pro-abortion candidates; and 2) basic attitudes on abortion
itself have not changed. A plurality, or even majority, of the
public continues to oppose the vast majority of abortions that are
actually performed.
While much has also been written about the
“women’s vote,” race and ethnicity was a much greater determinant of
how people voted than gender.
The CNN exit poll found that Mitt Romney
won 59% of the white vote while Obama won 93% of the black vote and
73% of the Hispanic vote. Significantly, Romney won 56% of white
women and 51% of young white voters, 18–29.
Church attendance was also a predictor of how one
voted. Fifty-nine percent of those who attend church at least once a
week voted for Romney while 62% of those who never attend church
voted for Obama.
Pew Research reported that Obama won the overall
Catholic vote 50% to 48%, but Romney won white Catholics 59% to 40%.
This was an increase of 7% for the Republican candidate over 2008,
when John McCain won 52% of white Catholics. This increase may be
due to the Obama Administration’s mandate that some Catholic and
other religious institutions provide insurance coverage for items
they find morally objectionable, as well as the very visible
pro-abortion campaign for Obama.
On the abortion issue both sides were very
active. However the pro-life side was vastly outspent and the
pro-abortion side, with substantial help from most of the media, was
very successful in defining the abortion issue in terms most
disadvantageous to pro-life candidates. They were also aided by
unfortunate and politically disastrous comments by some candidates
who oppose abortion.
A post-election poll conducted by the Polling
Company for National Right to Life found that 25% said that abortion
affected their vote and that they voted for candidates who oppose
abortion while 24% said abortion affected their vote and they voted
for candidates who favored abortion. So pro-life PACs, including the
National Right to Life PAC and the National Right to Life Victory
Fund, did deliver the pro-life vote.
In fact 27% recalled hearing or seeing something
or receiving something in the mail from National Right to Life. This
represented the largest such recall ever. And National Right to Life
made one of the largest pro-life efforts ever. NRL PAC mailed almost
10 million pieces of mail to identified pro-lifers and the NRL
Victory Fund and NRL PAC collectively ran 41,513 radio spots, with
5,319 of them in Spanish on Spanish-language stations. An additional
14,760 educational spots on the issue were run by NRL.
What changed was that the pro-abortion side
greatly increased their vote. In 2010, 22% said abortion affected
their vote and voted pro-life while only 8% said abortion affected
their vote and voted pro-abortion. In 2008 the numbers were
essentially the same: 25% said their vote was affected by abortion
and voted pro-life while only 9% said abortion affected their vote
and voted pro-abortion.
So this year while there was a pro-life vote that
was essentially equal to the pro-abortion vote, the pro-life
advantage which in the past has consistently been delivered to
pro-life candidates was nullified and no net advantage accrued to
either side.
The Polling Company poll found the same result
among the 4% who said abortion was the most important issue
affecting their vote. These voters divided evenly between Romney and
Obama.
Losing the net gain pro-life candidates have had
in the past on this issue obviously hurt Romney, even if there was
no net pro-abortion advantage for Obama. How did the pro-abortion
side accomplish this? By being able to redefine in the public
arena what pro-life and pro-choice mean and by being able to have
their message amplified by vastly greater resources and a media
eager to carry their message.
Early on, the Obama campaign and their allies at
Planned Parenthood, EMILY’s List, and NARAL sought to define the
abortion issue as a “war on women” and link it to contraception and
family planning. This effort was assisted by the media furor that
surrounded the campaign to defund Planned Parenthood in Congress.
Whether or not the “war on women” theme alone
would have produced the results desired by Obama and Planned
Parenthood became a moot question when Todd Akin, the Missouri
Republican Senate candidate, made his comments on rape and abortion.
From that point on for the media the abortion issue was ONLY about
rape.
Pro-life candidates were microscopically examined
on the question of rape and abortion. Mitt Romney’s pro-life
position, which contained an exception for rape, was at times
misrepresented and Paul Ryan’s position contained no rape exception.
The media coverage of the Republican Convention
was greatly dominated by the media’s response to Todd Akin’s
comments and the Republican Party platform was sometimes
misrepresented as calling for a ban on all abortions with no
exception for rape. In fact the platform is silent on the question
of exceptions and states general principles in favor of life, while
calling for the reversal of Roe. Such reversal would allow
the state and federal legislative branches to legislate on abortion
within their respective jurisdictions.
Obama and other pro-abortion candidates had the
luxury of having their position subjected to essentially no media
scrutiny at all. Obama was not asked to explain his opposition to
the bill to prohibit abortion for sex selection, or his position on
late abortion after 20 weeks when the baby can feel pain, or his
support for public funding of abortion or even his well documented
opposition to protecting babies born alive during an abortion. All
of which are positions at odds with the views of the vast majority
of voters.
Why does this matter? Because an overwhelming
majority believes abortion should be allowed for rape and if that is
the issue that defines what it means to be pro-choice or pro-life,
then a majority will side with the pro-choice label.
The Polling Company poll found that only 21%
would allow abortion at most for life of the mother cases. Another
poll released October 24 by Grey Matter Research found that only 18%
would prohibit all abortions and 71% supported allowing abortion in
cases of rape.
Such figures are not new. Support for allowing
abortion in cases of rape has been overwhelming throughout the years
of the abortion debate.
The success of the pro-abortion side in
temporarily redefining what it means to be pro-life or
pro-choice has been reflected in numerous recent polls.
While a May 2012 Gallup poll found that 50%
identified themselves as pro-life and only 41% identified themselves
as pro-choice, the Polling Company’s post-election poll found 51%
now identifying as pro-choice and 43% as pro-life. The Resurgent
America post-election poll found 49% identifying as pro-choice and
43% as pro-life.
Does this mean that there has been a fundamental
shift in how Americans view abortion? No! It means that at the
critical time of the election the pro-abortion side and its media
allies succeeded in focusing the abortion issue on the single most
difficult aspect of it for the pro-life side with enough voters to
wipe out the usual pro-life advantage.
The Polling Company found that:
• 9% would prohibit all abortions
• 12% would allow abortion only to save the life
of the mother
• 28% would allow abortion only for life of
mother, rape, and incest
• 16% would allow abortion for any reason but
only up to 3 months
• 12% would allow abortion for any reason but
only up to 6 months
• 13% would allow abortion for any reason at any
time
• 11% don’t know or refused.
Grouping the first three categories as pro-life
and the next three as pro-choice you get 49% pro-life and 41%
pro-choice with only 25% actually agreeing with what is essentially
the current legal status of abortion. This is in the same poll in
which respondents self identified as 51% pro-choice and 43%
pro-life.
Significantly, 14% of those who identified
themselves as pro-choice said they would allow abortion only in
cases of the life of the mother, rape, or incest. At the same time a
full 45% of those who identified themselves as pro-life said they
would allow abortion in cases of rape and incest.
Clearly the pro-life movement needs this category
of people who oppose over 90% of all abortions to be identifying and
voting for pro-life candidates and not for candidates with the
unlimited abortion position held by Obama and his allies.
Similarly, while Grey Matter Research found that
71% would allow abortion for rape, they also found that only 40%
would allow abortion because “the mother just doesn’t want to have
the child,” the true pro-choice position, or because “raising the
child would be a financial hardship.” Only 33% would allow abortion
because “the mother wants a child of a different gender.”
A determined, one-sided media together with a
sequence of most unfortunate statements by candidates created a
“perfect storm” that played into and greatly augmented the
pro-abortion narrative in this election. This effectively
neutralized the usual pro-life advantage. The pro-life movement and
pro-life candidates cannot ever let this happen again. We must see
that the issue before the public is how and why abortion is actually
used in this country, and, of course, the baby who dies. If this is
done, then with a majority opposed to abortion on demand pro-life
political victories will once again be the norm.
While the outcome of 2012 is bitterly
disappointing, we can learn from it and emerge stronger, more
focused and more effective. Fortunately the actual political balance
of power remains much the same and there are many opportunities for
educative and lifesaving legislation at the state level, and the
U.S. House remains in pro-life hands.
Most important, recent reports indicate that the number of
abortions continues to drop and lives are being saved. That is what
this struggle is really about, why we in the pro-life movement do
what we do and why we will keep doing it--only better.