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Obama Distorts His Abortion
Record In Third Debate -- Part
Two of Three
WASHINGTON -- "On partial-birth abortion and on the rights of infants
who survive abortions, Barack Obama's answers in the third presidential
debate were highly misleading," commented Douglas Johnson, longtime
legislative director for the National Right to Life Committee (NRLC),
the nation's largest pro-life organization.
-- The Illinois Born-Alive Infants Protection Act (BAIPA)
was a simple three-sentence bill to establish that every baby who
achieved "complete expulsion or extraction" from the mother, and who
showed defined signs of life, was to enjoy the legal protections of a
"person." As a state senator, Obama led the opposition to this bill in
2001, 2002, and 2003. On March 13, 2003, Obama killed the bill at a
committee meeting over which he presided as chairman. In the October
15 debate, Obama said, "The fact is that there was already a law on the
books in Illinois that required providing lifesaving treatment." This
claim is highly misleading. The law "on the books," 720 ILCS 510.6, on
its face, applies only where an abortionist declares before the abortion
that there was "a reasonable likelihood of sustained survival of the
fetus outside the womb." But humans are often born alive a month or
more before they reach the point where such "sustained survival" – that
is, long-term survival – is likely or possible (which is often called
the point of "viability"). When Obama spoke against the BAIPA on the
Illinois Senate floor in 2001 -- the only senator to do so -- he didn't
even claim that the BAIPA was duplicative of existing law. Rather, he
objected to defining what he called a "previable fetus" as a legal
"person" -- even though the bill clearly applied only to fully
born infants. These events are detailed in an August 28, 2008
NRLC White Paper
titled "Barack Obama’s Actions and Shifting Claims on the Protection of
Born-Alive Aborted Infants -– and What They Tell Us About His Thinking
on Abortion," which contains numerous hyperlinks to primary sources.
--
Because 720 ILCS 510.6 gives complete discretion to the abortionist
himself, and because a 1993 consent decree issued by a federal court
nullified key provisions (such as the definition of "born alive"), the
law was so riddled with loopholes as to be virtually unenforceable
even with respect to babies who had clearly achieved the capacity
for long-term survival. During Obama's time in the state Senate there
were bills (other than the BAIPA) to close some of these loopholes in
order to provide more effective protections for post-viable abortion
survivors. Obama opposed those bills, too. On April 4, 2002, Obama
opposed a bill (SB 1663) that would have more strictly defined the
circumstances under which the presence of a second physician (to care
for a live-born baby) would be required during a post-viability
abortion; Obama argued that this would "burden the original decision of
the woman and the physician to induce labor and perform an abortion . .
. [I]t’s important to understand that this issue ultimately is about
abortion and not live births."
--
In the debate, Obama said that the state BAIPA "would have helped to
undermine Roe v. Wade." To evaluate this claim, one must
examine the actual language of the BAIPAs. The original 2001 bill was
only three sentences long; the third sentence was as follows: "(c) A
live child born as a result of an abortion shall be fully recognized as
a human person and accorded immediate protection under the law." As
recently as August 19, 2008, the Obama campaign issued a memo in which
it singled out that sentence as "Language Clearly Threatening Roe."
This claim is consistent with Obama's 2001 argument that a "previable
fetus" should not be regarded as a person, even when born alive.
-- At the March 13, 2003 committee meeting over which
Obama presided, the "immediate protection" clause was removed and
replaced with the "neutrality clause" copied from the federal BAIPA,
which said explicitly that the bill had no bearing on the legal status
of any human "prior to being being born alive." Obama then led the
committee Democrats in voting down the bill, anyway. For years
afterwards, Obama claimed that the state BAIPA had lacked the
"neutrality clause," and on August 16, 2008,
Obama said that NRLC was "lying" when we said otherwise. This
dispute was reviewed by both FactCheck.org and
Politifact.org,
both of which came down on NRLC's side. To read the original 2001
Illinois BAIPA side-by-side with the amended 2003 version -- both of
which Obama voted against -- click
here.
--
In the presidential debate, Senator John McCain accurately noted that
Obama had opposed Illinois legislation to ban partial-birth abortions.
This is true -- indeed, during his primary contest with Hillary Clinton,
Obama's supporters presented
detailed accounts lauding his leadership in opposing legislation to
ban partial-birth abortion, afford legal protection to born-alive
babies, and require parental notification for abortion. (Under Article
IV, Section 8 of the Illinois Constitution, the effect of voting
"present" on the Illinois Senate floor is exactly the same as voting
"no.") In his response to McCain in the debate, Obama said, "I am
completely supportive of a ban on late-term abortions, partial-birth or
otherwise, as long as there's an exception for the mother's health and
life, and this did not contain that exception." Here, Obama packed two
distortions into a single sentence. First, Obama is using the phrase
"late term" to refer to the third trimester of pregnancy. It has long
been established that the great majority of partial-birth abortions are
performed in the fifth and sixth months;
these are babies developed enough to be born alive (hence the term
"partial birth"), but are not "late term" in the sense that the phrase
is used by pro-abortion advocates. Secondly,
the Supreme Court has defined the term "health" to include, in the
abortion context, "all factors -- physical, emotional, psychological,
familial and the woman's age -- relevant to the well-being of the
patient."
--
Obama is a cosponsor of the so-called "Freedom
of Choice Act" (FOCA) (S. 1173), which would nullify all state and
federal laws that "interfere with" access to abortion before "viability"
(as defined by the abortionist). The bill would also nullify all state
and federal laws that "interfere with" access to abortion after
viability if deemed to enhance "health." Because the term "health" is
not qualified in the bill, no state would be allowed to exclude any
"health" justification whatever for post-viability abortions, because to
do so would impermissibly narrow a federally guaranteed right. In
short, the FOCA would establish a federal "abortion right" broader than
Roe v. Wade and, in the words of the National Organization for
Women, "sweep away hundreds of anti-abortion laws [and] policies." The
chief sponsors and advocacy groups backing the legislation have
acknowledged that it would make partial-birth abortion legal again,
nullify state parental notification laws, and require the state and
federal governments to fund abortions.
--
Speaking to the Planned Parenthood Action Fund on July 17, 2007,
Obama said, "The first thing I'd do as president is sign the Freedom
of Choice Act. That's the first thing that I'd do."
--
In the presidential debate, Obama said, "But there surely is some common
ground when both those who believe in choice and those who are opposed
to abortion can come together" -- for example, by "helping single
mothers if they want to choose to keep the baby." Yet, Obama
advocates cutting off all federal aid to crisis pregnancy centers (CPCs).
Across the nation, CPCs provide all manner of assistance to women who
are experiencing crisis pregnancies, and they save the lives of many
children. There is a very modest amount of federal funding going to
such centers in some states. Pro-life lawmakers have pushed legislation
to greatly expand such funding, but it has been blocked by lawmakers
allied with the abortion lobby. Late in 2007, RHrealitycheck.org, a
prominent pro-abortion advocacy website (representing the side hostile
to such funding), submitted in writing the following question to the
Obama campaign: "Does Sen. Obama support continuing federal funding for
crisis pregnancy centers?" The Obama campaign's written response was
short, but it spoke volumes: "No."
Part One --
At Long Last: A Debate About Abortion
Part Three --
Important KOC
Study Finds "Broad Consensus" that "Abortion Should be Significantly
Restricted"
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