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NATIONAL RIGHT TO LIFE COMMENTS
ON THE NOMINATION OF ELENA KAGAN
TO U.S. SUPREME COURT
Part Two of
Three
By Douglas Johnson,
NRLC Legislative Director
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President
Obama and Vice
President Biden,
just prior to
announcing the
nomination of Elena
Kagan to
be a justice on the
Supreme Court.
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On April 21, 2010, President
Obama used thinly veiled code
language to communicate his
clear intent to choose a nominee
who would be hostile to
legislative attempts to protect
unborn humans. The President
stated that he wanted someone
"who is going to be interpreting
our Constitution in a way that
takes into account . . . women's
rights," and that this was going
to be "very important" to him as
he viewed our "core
Constitution" as protecting the
"bodily integrity" of women.
In light of the President's
stated intent, senators have an
obligation to probe whether
Elena Kagan will tolerate limits
on abortion, enacted through
normal democratic channels, or
will seek to impose extreme
pro-abortion views by judicial
decree. Ms. Kagan herself argued
forcefully in 1995, in a lengthy
book review published in the
University of Chicago Law
Review, that such inquiries by
senators are a legitimate and
necessary part of the
confirmation process.
In the most recent Supreme Court
ruling dealing with abortion and
the rights of unborn children,
Gonzales v. Carhart, on April
18, 2007, a five-justice
majority upheld the federal
Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act.
Yet on that occasion, four
justices in dissent -- including
Justice Stevens -- argued for a
constitutional doctrine that
would have invalidated the ban
on partial-birth abortions and
also, by implication, condemned
virtually any other law or
government policy intended to
discourage abortion. If the
dissenters' position became the
position of the majority of the
Supreme Court, various types of
laws that have been deemed
permissible under Roe v. Wade
could be invalidated by judicial
decree, perhaps including the
Hyde Amendment (restricting
government funding of abortion)
and parental notification laws.
It is appropriate and necessary
for senators to inquire into
whether Ms. Kagan would embrace
the extreme, results-oriented
doctrines enunciated by the
dissenting justices in that
case.
(Since the Gonzales case was
decided, dissenting Justice
David Souter has been replaced
by Justice Sonia Sotomayor. Most
analysts believe that Sotomayor
would be very likely to join the
pro-abortion bloc when such
issues are revisited in the
future.)
There are troubling indications
that Ms. Kagan generally favors
an activist, results-oriented
approach to constitutional law.
For example, in her 1995 law
journal article, she wrote, "The
bottom-line issue in the
appointments process must
concern the kinds of judicial
decisions that will serve the
country and, correlatively, the
effect the nominee will have on
the Court's decisions . . . If
that is too results oriented …
so be it. . ." She also wrote
that "it should be no surprise
by now that many of the votes a
Supreme Court Justice casts have
little to do with technical
legal ability and much to do
with conceptions of value."
Regarding Ms. Kagan's specific
views on the Court's past
abortion-related rulings, there
is little on the public record.
But Ms. Kagan may have betrayed
a possible personal animus
towards the pro-life movement in
a 1980 essay lamenting
Republican gains in the 1980
election, in which she referred
disparagingly to "victories of
these anonymous but Moral
Majority-backed [candidates] . .
. these avengers of 'innocent
life' and the B-1 Bomber . . ."
Was Ms. Kagan so dismissive of
the belief that unborn children
are members of the human family
that she felt it necessary to
put the term "innocent life" in
quote marks, or does she have
another explanation? Would she
be able to set aside any animus
she has towards those who fight
to protect innocent human life,
when reviewing laws duly enacted
for that purpose?
Please also be sure to also read
"National Right to Life News
Today" (www.nationalrighttolifenewstoday.org)
and please send all your
comments to
daveandrusko@gmail.com.
Part Three
Part One |