The Federal Courts and the
PresidencyEditor's
note. Wishing my son a happy 24th birthday. David, you are a blessing to
mom and me.
"The whole name of the game is who
will be the next president."
Eleanor
Acheson, an assistant attorney general for Clinton who oversaw judicial
selections, quoted in Monday's USA Today.
"In U.S. appeals courts, Reagan's
influence endures: Conservative appointees now a dominant force in the
law," reads the headline for a piece written for yesterday's USA
Today by Joan Biskupic. You wouldn't need to know that she'd
written a syrupy, sympathetic biography of pro-abortion Justice Sandra
Day O'Connor to know the drift of this article before you read it. You'd
just need to have read most any of her pieces about the Court.
The conclusions found in Monday's
article are self-evident in parts, over-stated in other parts, but
certainly correct when she quotes from Acheson, who helped vet court
appointments for pro-abortion President Bill Clinton: "The whole name of
the game is who will be the next president."
The self-evident part is that
President Reagan was more systemic than previous Republicans in making
nominations to the federal courts. That, of course, did not prevent
stealth candidates, such as O'Connor, from slipping through. But, by and
large, the Gipper did a fine job.
Biskupic's article is largely
about that intellectually stellar group and how its influence has only
grown. "[N]early 20 years after Reagan left office, many of them are at
the height of their power," she write. Assuming they were as bright as
even she concedes they were, and had not left the bench that was
inevitable.
She goes through a number of
flashpoint issues, including abortion, about which some of these
appointments have written, and draws the commonsensical conclusion that
"Reagan's enduring legacy shows the power a president has in shaping the
law -- not just at the Supreme Court, which gets so much attention, but
also in the midlevel appeals courts."
Where she misses the boat is to
acceptance patently false assurances that Bill Clinton "did not wish to
expend major political capital with his court appointments," as
University of Massachusetts Amherst political science professor Sheldon
Goldman told Biskupic. This is to spin the truth to conform to an
enduring and self-serving myth about Clinton's judicial selections.
Almost lost in the shuffle is the
imprint President George W. Bush will leave by the time his two terms in
office are complete. "President Bush has tried to reinforce Reagan's
legacy and tapped young conservative thinkers," Biskupic writes near the
very end. "Goldman says that has turned into 'a major success story for
Bush.'"
Even when he first began
campaigning, President Bush made it clear he was interested only in
candidates for the federal bench to whom restraint was a virtue, not a
vice. I was reminded of what the President repeatedly said when I read
pro-life Senator John McCain's speech last week to students at Wake
Forest University.
In one key section, McCain
contrasted judicial activism from real activism. Real activists "seek to
make their case democratically -- to win hearts, minds, and majorities
to their cause," McCain said. "Such people throughout our history have
often shown great idealism and done great good. By contrast, activist
lawyers and activist judges follow a different method. They want to be
spared the inconvenience of campaigns, elections, legislative votes, and
all of that.
"They don't seek to win debates on
the merits of their argument; they seek to shut down debates by order of
the court," McCain continued. "And even in courtrooms, they apply a
double standard. Some federal judges operate by fiat, shrugging off
generations of legal wisdom and precedent while expecting their own
opinions to go unquestioned. Only their favorite precedents are to be
considered 'settled law,' and everything else is fair game."
The Reagan/Bush/McCain philosophy
of judicial restrain, I would suggest, merits praise and
congratulations.
Please send your thoughts to
daveandrusko@hotmail.com.