Part 2
Part 3
TN&V regulars may remember the
March 2 edition in which we talked about the latest rhetorical
rigamorale employed by Congressional Democrats trying yet again
to extract themselves from the corner into which their party's
unwavering support of abortion on demand has painted them. (See
www.nrlc.org/News_and_Views/March06/nv030206.html)
In their "Statement of Principles,"
55 congressional Democrats, most of whom are pro-abortion,
argued (a) that it's okay for Catholics and their church to
agree to disagree on abortion, and (b) we're good on lots of
other issues of importance to the Catholic Church.
But writing on the Our Sunday
Visitor Web page Gerry Korson hit the nail on the head when
he wrote, "That statement, released Feb. 28 on the website of
Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.), was widely seen as a thinly veiled
defense of Catholic legislators who support laws that protect or
expand legal abortion." In other words, these Catholic
congressional Democrats were advising the church leadership that
abortion is important, but let's not go crazy.
To no one's surprise, last Friday
three eminent church officials responded.
I would characterized the
"Statement on Responsibilities of Catholics in Public Life,"
signed by Cardinal William Keeler of Baltimore, chairman of the
U.S. bishops' Committee on Pro-Life Activities; Cardinal
Theodore McCarrick of Washington, D.C., chairman of the Task
Force on Catholic Bishops; and Catholic Politicians; and Bishop
Nicholas DiMarzio of Brooklyn, chairman of the bishops'
Committee on Domestic Policy, as a gentle boxing of the ears.
The Religious News Service suggested in its lead
paragraph that, "Top U.S. Roman Catholic leaders told Democratic
lawmakers yesterday that there is no wiggle room in church
teaching on abortion and that they are duty-bound to work
against 'the destruction of unborn human life.'"
Keying off of the congressional
Democrats' insistence on "the primacy of conscience," the three
church leaders wrote that conscience "must be consistent with
fundamental moral principles," including the church's
longstanding opposition to abortion. Specifically, they said,
"As members of the church, all Catholics are obliged to shape
our consciences in accord with the moral teaching of the
church."
In the course of their
682-word-long document, the three leaders characterized abortion
as "a grave violation of the most fundamental human right -- the
right to life." (The full statement can be read in
Part Two.)
To this, I would add just two
quick, but hopefully useful thoughts.
First, Korson was absolutely correct
when he wrote, "The exchange of statements is in part a sequel
to the very public debates that took place across the country
during the national election of 2004 over the role of faith and
conscience in arriving at political positions. The debate was
sparked in part by the nomination of Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.),
a Catholic who supports legal abortion, as the Democratic
nominee for president."
This has held huge implications, as
pro-abortion Boston Globe columnist Joan Vennochi
explained in March 5. Citing the work of three Democrat
pollster/operatives, she observed that while Bill Clinton
carried the White Catholic vote by seven points, Al Gore lost
the same constituency by seven points, and Kerry by a whopping
13 points-- "a 20 point swing, to the advantage of the GOP." (I
don't want to get sidetracked, so I will just note that
Clinton's superior standing among Catholics was not because he
was one iota less pro-abortion than Gore and Kerry but because
he was a far superior politician.)
Second, a long time ago, Catholics
were so culturally attuned to supporting Democrats that the
party did not feel the need to seriously address its support of
unconditional abortion on demand. Their rhetorical assurances
were precautionary, like preventive flossing.
But Catholics and millions of
others have since caught on. As we can glean from Vennochi's
explanation, the price exacted of Democrats for supporting
abortion has moved beyond a toothache. Electorally speaking, it
threatens the survival of the entire Democratic Party.
Democrats want to have their cake
(support for abortion on demand) and to eat it too (win over the
votes of Catholics and others who would be predisposed to voting
Democratic if they were convinced that the party is not a
ventriloquist's dummy for the Abortion Establishment).
How long before it dawns on
pro-abortion Democrats that educated voters are not going to be
fooled by rhetorical window dressing?
Please send your comments to Dave
Andrusko at
dandrusko@nrlc.org.