Kagan, Politicking, and
the Abuse of Science
Part One of Four
By Dave Andrusko
Good evening.
Part Two today discusses PPFA's
aggressive expansion in Nebraska.
Part Three looks at the increase of euthanasia in Holland,
while Part Four is a letter
from the US Conference of Catholic Bishops. Please send all of
your comments to
daveandrusko@gmail.com. If you like join those who are
now following me on Twitter at
http://twitter.com/daveha.
 |
|
Supreme Court nominee
Elena Kagan |
Sometimes juxtaposing
headlines can be extremely illuminating. For example, harkening
back to yesterday's opening statement of Supreme Court nominee
Solicitor General Elena Kagan, the New York Times's headline
reads, "Kagan Promises Impartiality as Hearings Open."
By contrast over at
National Review online, we read "Kagan's Abortion Distortion:
How the Supreme Court nominee manipulated the statement of a
medical organization to protect partial-birth abortion."
If you take Kagan's
opening statement at face value, she is the epitome of
moderation, judicial humility, and deference. If you read
Shannen W. Coffin's analysis at National Review, you come away
with a decidedly different--and far more accurate--assessment.
At explained at the end of
his article, Mr. Coffin "was the deputy assistant attorney
general in charge of the defense of the federal Partial-Birth
Abortion Ban Act during the Bush administration." He knows a lot
about the back and forth that finally culminated in enactment of
the ban on partial-birth abortion and the Supreme Court's
acceptance. Coffin, like all the rest of us, knows even more
now, thanks to papers released by the Clinton Presidential
Library. (Kagan worked for Clinton from 1995-1999.)
I will touch on only some
of Coffin's extremely detailed and highly informative
explication of Kagan's role in maintaining the viability of
Clinton's veto of a bill to ban partial-birth abortion. The nub
is her role vis a vis the American College of Obstetricians and
Gynecologists and ACOG's role vis a vis the courts.
ACOG's pronouncement on
partial-birth abortion was treated as gospel by various courts.
"In other words, what medical science has pronounced, let no
court dare question," Coffin writes. "The problem is that the
critical language of the ACOG statement was not drafted by
scientists and doctors. Rather, it was inserted into ACOG's
policy statement at the suggestion of then–Clinton White House
policy adviser Elena Kagan."
According to Coffin, the
initial draft statement of ACOG task force "did not include the
statement that the controversial abortion procedure 'might be'
the best method 'in a particular circumstance.' Instead, it said
that the select ACOG panel 'could identify no circumstances
under which this procedure . . . would be the only option to
save the life or preserve the health of the woman.'" (Emphasis
added.)
When you read Coffin's
piece you will see that Kagan recognized that this would be
disastrous to pro-abortion Democrats looking for political cover
and thus she "set about solving the problem. Her notes, produced
by the White House to the Senate Judiciary Committee, show that
she herself drafted the critical language hedging ACOG's
position."
So what, you might ask.
Remember the Supreme Court first dealt with partial-birth
abortion at the state level in 2000 when it struck down
Nebraska's ban.
As Coffin notes, "The
Court relied on the ACOG statement as a key example of medical
opinion supporting the abortion method," ACOG being understood
to be "nonpartisan."
Later, on the federal
level, the ban on partial-birth abortion was promoted and signed
into law by President George W. Bush. Eventually, the Supreme
Court upheld the law, but along the way, U.S. District Court
Judge Richard Kopf enjoined the ban.
"Like the Supreme Court
majority in the prior dispute over the Nebraska ban, Judge Kopf
asserted that the ACOG policy statement was entitled to judicial
deference because it was the result of an inscrutable
collaborative process among expert medical professionals,"
Coffin writes. Of course at the time Judge Kopf couldn't know
the truth when he wrote "neither ACOG nor the task force members
conversed with other individuals or organizations, including
congressmen and doctors who provided congressional testimony,
concerning the topics addressed" in the ACOG Statement. "
What is the truth? That
the supposedly apolitical ACOG had shared its initial take on
the legislation privately with Kagan and that "language
purporting to be the judgment of an independent body of medical
experts devoted to the care and treatment of pregnant women and
their children was, in the end, nothing more than the political
scrawling of a White House appointee"--Kagan.
We've written about this
in TN&V and in the current issue of National Right to Life News.
Mr. Coffin learned of Kagan's pivotal role in refashioning
ACOG's statement when he read NRLC's letter to the Senate dated
June 23. NRLC then made available to him the relevant documents
from the Clinton Presidential Library.
Coffin's piece is very,
very much worth your reading. It can be found at
http://article.nationalreview.com/437296/kagans-abortion-distortion/shannen-w-coffin?p=1
Part Two
Part Three
Part Four |