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Our Prayers Go Out to the Family of Tony Snow
-- Part One of Three
Editor's note. Please send your comments to
daveandrusko@hotmail.com.
When I learned that Tony Snow had died Saturday of colon cancer, my
thoughts instantly turned to his wife Jill and their three children. I have
one more kid than Tony (and mine are older), but the resemblances are close
enough that I felt even more moved by his death than Tim Russert's.
Among their colleagues, I think it fair to say that Snow and Russert were
among the most popular journalists in Washington. With his unmatched "Meet
the Press" platform, Russert was better known. But Snow, a staunch,
unapologetic pro-lifer, should be remembered as occupying a similar perch in
the contemporary journalism pantheon.
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Tony Snow |
Properly, "Fox News Sunday" devoted its entire hour yesterday to fond
remembrances of Snow, 53. From 1996 to 2003, he hosted the program, the
first news program on Fox. Before he was named White House press secretary
in April 2006, Snow also hosted "Weekend Live with Tony Snow" on Fox News
Channel and "Tony Snow Live" on Fox News Radio.
Until I read a column by the Washington Post's Howard Kurtz this morning,
I had forgotten that Snow was also once the editorial page editor for the
Washington Times, a commentator for National Public Radio, and a substitute
for Rush Limbaugh..
Universally, the two qualities that were mentioned were that Snow held
strong opinions but respected those who held contrary views. And he could
"disagree without being disagreeable," a model for all of us.
His back and forths with the always contentious White House press corps are
the stuff of legend. Even those who were not willing to give anyone
connected with the Bush White House a fair shake agreed, at a minimum, that
Snow was dazzlingly articulate, animated, and gave as good as he got. "He
raised everyone's game," as one reporter put it.
According to
the Los Angeles Times, "Fox News Sunday" host Chris Wallace said the program
"was developed around a central vision, then showed a video of Snow
explaining what that vision was: 'Explain America to Washington and
Washington to America -- that's kind of what you do. It's nice to humanize
the figures who are right at the center of American politics, and at the
same time, I think it's important to be the advocate for the people
listening.'"
Snow was also a forthright advocate for unborn babies. As we say goodbye to
one of the really good guys, I'd like to reprint portions of a column he
wrote in 2000 after the Supreme Court handed down its morally bankrupt
Stenberg v. Carhart decision.
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The
U.S Supreme Court['s] latest foray into the issue, in the case of Stenberg
vs. Carhart, treats abortion as a "right" of such majesty and force that no
state can limit its use -- no matter how barbaric the methods -- once a
doctor has cooed into a woman's ear, "This is what's best for you, dear."
Opinions drafted by Justices Stephen Breyer, John Paul Stevens, Ruth Bader
Ginsberg and Sandra Day O'Connor exhibit traits familiar to students of the
topic. They cited selected precedents but took care not to examine the
Constitution itself. They sought refuge in euphemism. They embraced dubious
medical opinion. And they showered contempt on the legislative process by
telling 30 states to go fly a kite.
Justice Antonin Scalia noted piquantly that the opinion deserves a place in
history beside the Korematsu decision, in which the court approved
internment camps for Japanese-Americans, and the Dred Scott decision,
which gave the court's imprimatur to Jim Crow.
Here's the core of the controversy: Nebraska outlawed partial-birth
abortion, in which a doctor dilates a pregnant woman's cervix, initiates
delivery of the baby, reaches into the uterus so the child will enter the
birth canal feet-first, coaxes the feet and torso into the world -- then
plunges scissors into the base of the child's skull, opens the cranial
cavity, inserts a tube, sucks out the brains, collapses the skull and yanks
out the limp corpse.
A shaken nurse told Congress about her experience with the procedure: "The
baby's little fingers were clasping and unclasping, and his little feet were
kicking. Then the doctor stuck the scissors in the back of his head, and the
baby's arms jerked out, like a startle reaction, like a flinch, like a baby
does when he thinks he is going to fall.
"The doctor opened the scissors, stuck a high-powered suction tube into the
opening and sucked the baby's brains out. Now the baby went completely
limp."
The pioneer of the technique, Dr. Martin Haskell, notes that a doctor
sometimes over-dilates the patient and has to hold the baby's head inside
the vagina: "(T)he fetus could just fall out. But that's not really the
point. The point here is you're attempting to do an abortion ... not to see
how do I manipulate the situation so that I get a live birth instead."
Even though the American Medical Association and the American College of
Obstetrics and Gynecology have decreed that this operation never is the sole
or preferred method of abortion -- research indicates that it's more
dangerous than "traditional" abortions, which themselves are more dangerous
than childbirth -- Nebraska tried to appease potential critics. …
The high court still tossed the statute away. It averted its eyes from the
surgical technique, which it referred to merely as "D." And it claimed
Nebraska's "health" clause didn't go far enough: The state needed to
legalize butchery for women plagued with other conditions, such as
depression. As Scalia noted, this logic gives "live-birth abortion free
rein."
The prim, dense prose of the majority opinions obscures the sleight-of-hand
required to produce the result. The court not only ignored its own
precedents, it also abandoned the practice of reading state statutes as
sympathetically as possible. …
In short, five people took it upon themselves to make law for the other 280
million in the country. They acted not as a court, but as a Star Chamber.
Justice Sandra Day O'Connor tried to calm nerves by claiming that Nebraska
could fix its statute and win her approval. But her tortured opinion
indicates otherwise.
O'Connor's vote made it possible to deliver two-thirds of any baby --
healthy or not -- and kill the child. Her vote ensured continuing discord
over the issue. Her vote demonstrated why it's better to hand such issues to
legislatures than to five verbose jurisprudes who can't bear to describe
what they have declared lawful and can't provide a single coherent reason
why they replaced the legacy of Hippocrates with that of Dr. Mengele.
Part Two -- "The Culture of Death is an
Idea Before it is a Deed"
Part Three -- "We Shall Not Weary, We Shall
Not Rest" |