The Pain-Capable Unborn
Child Protection Act and the Future of Abortion Jurisprudence
Part One of Five
By Mary Spaulding Balch, JD
NRLC Director of State Legislation
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Mary Spaulding Balch,
JD |
It would be difficult to
overstate the historic importance of Nebraska's 2010
Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act, the first state law to
present the Supreme Court with the opportunity to bring its
abortion jurisprudence into the 21st Century. The law is
grounded in a moral empathy that resonates with the American
people: "You don't kill unborn children capable of feeling
pain." Basing its conclusion on an enormous body of medical
research (literally hundreds of studies), this first-of-its kind
law conservatively sets the demarcation at 20 weeks.
So why, after publicly
hinting it was just a matter of time, have pro-abortion
organizations not challenged the law in court? Quite probably
because pro-abortionists appreciate that when abortion's brutal
realities overcome the gauzy generalities about "choice," the
public opinion needle moves in the direction of life. That is
precisely what happened in the long, long debate over
partial-birth abortion. Better than most, abortion advocates
understand that you don't need coursework in fetal anatomy to
sense that at twenty weeks babies will suffer excruciating pain
as they are being torn apart. Furthermore they understand that
the Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act could not have
passed had today's scientific understanding about and public
awareness of the unborn child not advanced leaps and bounds from
1973 when the United States Supreme Court handed down its
infamous Roe v. Wade Decision. Sonograms of the once nearly
invisible unborn child are now plastered on refrigerators all
over the world.
There are ironies galore,
but none more stark than this. Pro-abortionists forever tell us
that pro-lifers want to "take us back." In fact what makes the
Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act so dangerous to Roe is
that it demands preciously the opposite. Rather than freezing
our understanding of fetal development at what was available to
the High Court 38 years ago, the law says, "Come, let's see what
we know now that we didn't know then." And seeing is believing,
which is why abortion proponents are so dead-set against the
passage of laws which make it possible for abortion-vulnerable
women to see an ultrasound of their unborn babies. "Informed
choice" is the last thing abortion clinic personnel are looking
for.
Forty years ago, the
unborn child virtually did not exist in medicine. "Fetal
medicine" was an oxymoron. Our understanding of pain was so
primitive that even a newborn undergoing surgery did so without
anesthesia! They received only a paralytic to keep them still.
The use of ultrasound was
introduced in the late '70s. The possibility of literally seeing
the unborn child opened the eyes not only of parents but of
doctors, allowing them to diagnose problems that heretofore were
only known in newborns. The concept of the unborn child as a
patient was born. It was the beginning of a subspecialty that we
know today as fetal medicine. With the ability to see this new
patient came in utero surgery--the ability to save premature
unborn children at earlier and earlier intervals. Once highly
experimental, fetal surgery is now a frequent occurrence at
several hospitals around the country.
As recent as last
Wednesday night, ABC News ran an important investigative piece
on fetal surgery which is likely soon to become standard care
for some conditions such as spina bifida.
We can see in retrospect
that two lines of investigation were intersecting. On one axis
doctors were observing that when pricked by a needle, even the
most premature babies grimaced. On the other axis, physicians
saw that unborn children could experience pain, due to the
ever-increasing use of fetal surgery. The question arose: at
what point in fetal development is the child capable of
experiencing pain?
In 2005, Congressional
hearings were held on the issue of unborn children's pain.
Expert witnesses included Jean A. Wright, M.D., MBA, and such as
Dr. K. J. S. Anand. Dr. Wright testified "an unborn fetus after
20 weeks of gestation has all the prerequisite anatomy,
physiology, hormones, neurotransmitters, and electrical current
to close the loop and create the conditions needed to perceive
pain." Subsequently Dr. Anand, currently a Professor of
Pediatrics, Anesthesiology, & Neurobiology at The University of
Tennessee Health Science Center, said in a document accepted as
expert by a federal court, "It is my opinion that the human
fetus possesses the ability to experience pain from 20 weeks of
gestation, if not earlier, and that pain perceived by a fetus is
possibly more intense than that perceived by newborns or older
children."
Is there evidence that the
Supreme Court is aware of all this? There is clear evidence
Justice Kennedy is. Justice Kennedy has described the gruesome
nature of the most common abortion technique used in the second
trimester, dilation and evacuation or D & E, in terms that make
clear that it would be extremely painful: "[F]riction causes the
fetus to tear apart. For example, a leg might be ripped off the
fetus . . . ." he wrote in the 2007 case of Gonzales v. Carhart.
Justice Kennedy used even more graphic descriptions of D&E
abortions in his dissent in Stenberg v. Carhart, "The fetus, in
many cases, dies just as a human adult or child would: It bleeds
to death as it is torn limb from limb."
In Gonzales v. Carhart,
the decision upholding the federal ban on partial-birth
abortions, Justice Kennedy also dealt with two other issues
germane to the Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act. He
wrote
"In a decision so fraught
with emotional consequence some doctors may prefer not to
disclose precise details of the means that will be used,
confining themselves to the required statement of risks the
procedure entails. . . . It is, however, precisely this lack of
information concerning the way in which the fetus will be killed
that is of legitimate concern to the State. . . . It is
self-evident that a mother who comes to regret her choice to
abort must struggle with grief more anguished and sorrow more
profound when she learns, only after the event, what she once
did not know: that she allowed a doctor to pierce the skull and
vacuum the fast-developing brain of her unborn child, a child
assuming the human form."
What Justice Kennedy for
the Court stated to be true with regard to partial-birth
abortion--its impact on the mother, and the State's
interest--may equally be applied to those abortions performed
when the unborn child is capable of experiencing, and does
experience, pain from the abortion technique.
Equally important, Kennedy
(widely understood to be the decisive fifth vote in abortion
cases) wrote in Gonzales that "it is inappropriate for the
Judicial Branch to provide an exhaustive list of state interests
implicated by abortion."
The Justices have never
addressed the issue of an unborn child's pain. If/when they do
it would be a case of 'first impression,' as lawyers put it.
Recognizing a compelling state interest in the unborn child who
is capable of experiencing pain would not require the Court to
overturn, but only to supplement, its prior recognition of a
compelling "state interest" in the unborn child after viability.
The federal Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act was upheld in
Gonzales, although it made no distinction based on viability. As
Justice Kennedy wrote, "The [Partial-Birth Abortion Ban] Act
does apply both previability and postviability because, by
common understanding and scientific terminology, a fetus is a
living organism while within the womb, whether or not it is
viable outside the womb."
It is critically important
to understand that the interest asserted here is not just one in
diminishing or eliminating the unborn children's pain during an
abortion.
Rather, it is that the
unborn child's capacity to experience pain is a significant
developmental milepost, making the unborn child at that point
sufficiently akin to an infant or older child to trigger a
compelling state interest.
The stage of development
at which the unborn child is capable of experiencing pain is at
least as "clear" and arguably more "workable" in comparison with
viability. While viability is predominately an extrinsic
measurement of the capacity of medical science to sustain the
life of a premature infant, the capacity to feel pain is an
intrinsic, innate feature of the unborn child at a particular
stage of development.
While no one can
definitively predict how the majority of the Supreme Court, and
in particular Justice Kennedy, would rule on the
constitutionality of the Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection
Act, the evolving development of the High Court's abortion
litigation, and particularly its decision in Gonzales v. Carhart,
leads us to this conclusion. There may well be receptivity to a
well-documented effort to demonstrate the reasonableness of
recognizing the reality of fetal pain by 20 weeks
post-fertilization, and the justification for acting to minimize
it by preventing abortions not necessary to avert death or
substantial and long-lasting physical impairment of a major
bodily organ from 20 weeks on.
Part Two
Part Three
Part Four
Part Five |