The Many Sources of Pro-Life Strength
Part Two of TwoBy Dave Andrusko
I grant you that basing a blog entry on a
newspaper review of a book I have ordered but not yet had the chance
to read could be iffy. But I believe Peter Steinfels', "A
Provocative Work About the Christian Right," which appeared in the
New York Times Saturday, is well worth the time and preliminary
conclusions. [www.nytimes.com/2009/04/25/us/25beliefs.html?scp=1&sq=%22the%20democratic%20virtues%20of%20%22&st=cse]
Let me offer a few tentative but hopefully useful
comments. Right out of the box, just to be clear, the Pro-Life
Movement is no more the "Christian Right" than it is the "Christian
Left." (And the author of 'The Democratic Virtues of the Christian
Right," Prof. Jon Shields--who interviewed many, many pro-lifers--is
not saying that we are).
Our Movement is not only transdenominational, its
appeal extends to conservatives and liberals, and to people of faith
as well as to people with no discernible religious grounding. That
is the genius of our Movement and why it grows whether the winds of
good political fortune are at our backs or blowing in our faces.
It's worth remembering that before there was
anything to dub the "Christian Right," conservative Protestants had
already been motivated and inspired and energized by an unequivocal
opposition to abortion. Like members of other faiths (or no faith),
many became single-issue pro-lifers, others saw saving the unborn as
a critical component of a larger constellation of issues.
We learn from Steinfels' quotations from the book
that Shields is arguing that the Christian Right brought a
politically alienated consistency ("conservative evangelicals") in
from out of the cold; and in the process 'inculcated" the "practice
of civility and respect; the cultivation of dialogue by listening
and asking questions; the rejection of appeals to theology; and the
practice of careful moral reasoning.''
(Since I haven't read it, I've giving the book the
benefit of the doubt, assuming the argument isn't as paternalistic
as it sounds. After all, it's a bit hard to swallow that somehow
people suddenly become "civil" and "respectful" and able to morally
reason carefully around 1980.)
Based on the Steinfels' article, the qualities
that were taught by the Christian Right and the outreach that it
practiced have long been found in the educational toolboxes of
single-issue pro-lifers. For example, making the case for the unborn
on a multiplicity of levels, including those that have no religious
overtones at all, was something pro-life friends of mine (and others
throughout the United States) were making as far back as the 1970s.
Likewise, Shields writes of an exhibit that
"featuring images of embryos and aborted fetuses as well as
scientific information about fetal development." That, too, was
standard fare as far back as the 1970s. As for not allowing yourself
to be taunted into responding in kind, that goes way, way back. I
can vividly remember coming under withering verbal insults in 1977
when I was a graduate student at the University of Minnesota.
The point is not who did what when first. It is
rather that people challenge the culture on behalf of the unborn
babies for almost as many reasons (and combinations of reasons) as
there are sands on the beach. Many rivulets of opposition have come
together to create an ocean of resistance to abortion. And because
there are so many fresh sources, that resistance will never
stagnant.
My goal is to review 'The Democratic Virtues of
the Christian Right" in the June issue of National Right to Life
News. If you read it before then, please drop me a line.
Please send your thoughts and comments to
daveandrusko@gmial.com.
Part One |