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The Rhetoric that Shaped Roe v.
Wade By Dave Andrusko
A
few weeks ago I wrote about a new book co-authored by the former
Supreme Court correspondent for the New York Times. Titled
Before Roe v. Wade: Voices that Shaped the Abortion Debate
Before the Supreme Court's Ruling," the authors are Linda
Greenhouse (who now has an online legal column for the Times and
a teaching position) and Yale Law School Professor Reva B.
Siegel. Both are pro-abortion through and through.
I ordered the book yesterday, so
what I have to say here is based on an interview Greenhouse gave
this week to Terry Gross, host of the radio talk program "Fresh
Air," produced by WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and distributed by
NPR. (You can listen to the full interview at
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=127931932.)
It sounds very much like the
book, for all its obvious pro-abortion slant, will have a lot of
primary source material rarely seen, and not at all in the last
few decades.
Greenhouse talks about some of
the people who were pivotal on both sides. On the pro-abortion
side there is Mary Calderone, medical director for PPFA. "She
wrote some influential articles depicting abortion as a serious
public health issue," Greenhouse said, "and basically started
calling on the medical profession to take a new look at this old
issue."
She also talked about a woman by
the name of Jimmye Kimmey who popularized (if perhaps not in a
strict sense originated) the term "the right to choose." If you
weren't listening carefully, you'd miss that she was also the
executive director of one the earliest abortion "reform" groups
which, Greenhouse said, "migrat[ed] from reform to outright
repeal" of all abortion laws.
That was the evil genius of the
abortion "reform" movement: it moved seamlessly from making
reassurance noises about "moderating" abortion laws into loudly
demanding the overthrow of all abortion statutes.
On the pro-life side Greenhouse
spoke of former NRLC President J.C. Willke, MD, whose 1971 book,
Handbook on Abortion, that he co-authored with his wife which
"got distributed like wildfire" and "became a Bible of the
right-to-life movement."
Again, based on the interview, it
appears Greenhouse gets some of the most important points
correct (so far as she goes) only to lapse into the conventional
pro-abortion explanations. For example, she tells Gross that the
American Medical Association was a key player in the mid-19th
Century enactment of anti-abortion statutes in all states, but
only because all surgery was dangerous at the time and because
doctors (virtually all of whom were men) were territorial, not
wanting non-physicians--who were mostly female mid-wives-- to
encroach on their territory. This is the conventional narrative
established by James Mohr in his 1978 book, Abortion in America.
In fact, as Susan Wills explained
in her review of Professor Joseph W. Dellapenna's book
Dispelling the Myths of Abortion History, "Physicians opposed
abortion because science had begun to unlock the mysteries of
conception and fetal development." And they were hardly alone.
"The citizens who lobbied most vocally for stricter laws against
abortion were in fact the early feminists," Wills wrote.
"Lawyers, journalists, and clergy also are on record as
supporting stricter laws against abortion."
Finally Greenhouse was right on
the money when she told Gross that the feminist movement that
began in the 1960s said virtually nothing about abortion until
the end of the decade. She attributes the turnabout to a speech
by the late Betty Friedan (probably a gross simplification), but
the larger consideration is accurate: the feminist movement
initially focused on issues of workplace equity and
non-discrimination.
"Feminism" did not initially
equate with manic support for abortion. Pro-life feminists
insist genuine feminism is and always has been staunchly
pro-life.
As I say you can hear the
interview and read a portion of the introduction at
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=127931932.
Please send all of your comments
to
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