National Right to Life
What the 107th Congress Has Done So Far
By Douglas Johnson, NRLC Federal Legislative Director
Legfederal@aol.com
June 19, 2002
The 107th Congress is more than three-quarters over. Because the Democrats hold
a one-vote majority in the U.S. Senate, so far it has not been a very productive
session for pro-life forces.
The Senate Democratic leadership and most of the Democratic senators are
profoundly hostile to pro-life positions. They are the main barrier to enactment
of numerous crucial pro-life measures that have passed or could pass the House
of Representatives, and that are supported by the president.
As the Congress began in January, 2001, pro-life forces had high hopes. After
the eight grim years of the Clinton-Gore Administration, pro-life President
George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney had been sworn in. The new Senate
was equally divided between the parties, 50-50, but since Cheney would break any
tie vote, Republicans retained majority control, with pro-life Senator Trent
Lott (R-Ms.) as majority leader. The Republicans also retained the majority
control of the House that they have held since 1995 keeping scheduling power and
most key leadership positions in the hands of pro-life lawmakers, including
Speaker Dennis Hastert (R-Il.), Majority Leader Dick Armey (R-Tx.), and Majority
Whip Tom DeLay (R-Tx.).
Things started well. When President Bush nominated as attorney general John
Ashcroft, previously a pro-life senator from Missouri, pro-abortion groups were
among those urging the Senate to refuse to confirm him. But the Senate confirmed
Ashcroft 58-42 on February 1, with eight Democrats joining all 50 Republicans in
voting to confirm.
In the House, the top Republican leadership and House Judiciary Committee
Chairman F. James Sensenbrenner (R-Wi.) rapidly pushed to the floor the Unborn
Victims of Violence Act (H.R. 503), sponsored by Rep. Lindsey Graham (R-SC).
This bill, strongly backed by NRLC, would recognize an unborn child as a legal
victim when he or she is injured or killed during commission of a federal crime
of violence. Anti-life forces offered their own counterproposal, which would
have recognized only one victim (the mother) in such crimes. The Bush
Administration strongly opposed the "one victim" substitute and supported the
unborn victims measure. On April 26, 2001, the pro-life side prevailed, as the
House rejected the substitute, 196-229, and then passed the Unborn Victims of
Violence Act, 252-172.
The pro-life side came out on top on a second major issue, too. On his first
working day in office, President Bush used his executive authority to restore
the pro-life "Mexico City Policy," which denies U.S. foreign aid funds to
private groups that promote abortion overseas. Pro-abortion members of Congress
won House committee approval of an amendment to overturn the President's policy,
but on May 16, 2001, the full House voted 218-210 to reverse that action and
thereby to sustain the pro-life policy. (Although the pro-life side prevailed,
this roll call illustrated how closely divided the House is on some
abortion-related issues: A switch of only four votes would have reversed the
outcome.)
Jeffords switch
Overall pro-life prospects for the 107th Congress took a marked turn for the
worse on May 24, 2001, when Senator James Jeffords (Vt.) announced that he would
leave the Republican Party to become an independent senator, and would vote to
give the Democrats majority control of the Senate. Jeffords' switch, which
became effective on June 6, gave the Democrats a 51-49 Senate majority. This
made pro-abortion Senator Tom Daschle (D-SD) the majority leader, with broad
powers to set the Senate's agenda, and it placed pro-abortion chairmen in charge
of the Senate's key committees.
Following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Congress was largely
preoccupied with national security and economic issues for months. Nevertheless,
in late 2001, Senate committees added provisions to four different
appropriations bills to weaken or repeal existing pro-life policies dealing with
federal funding of abortions, embryonic stem cell research, and funding of
pro-abortion groups overseas. In response, the White House issued veto threats
on each bill, and all four of the pro-abortion provisions were ultimately
dropped. The Senate did not conduct roll call votes on any of these issues.
Human Cloning
Since the switch in majority control in the Senate, the House has continued to
pass important pro-life bills, but the Senate has acted on none of them. For
example, on July 31, 2001, the House passed NRLC-backed legislation to ban the
cloning of human embryos by more than a 100-vote margin. In November, when
pro-life Senator Sam Brownback (R-Ks.) pushed hard for Senate action on the
measure, Majority Leader Daschle -- who opposes the bill -- promised floor
action in "February or March" of 2002. The fulfillment of that promise was
repeatedly postponed.
Finally, on June 12, Daschle's lieutenant, Majority Whip Sen. Harry Reid (D-Nv.),
objected on Daschle's behalf to a request by Sen. Brownback for a vote under a
straightforward procedure. Sen. Brownback said, "It is clear that on the issue
of cloning, the objective of the Senate Democrat majority is to obstruct the
will of the vast majority of the American people, a bipartisan majority in the
House and the President. We will seek all possible avenues in our attempt to
stop human cloning and get the current leadership to take this issue up fairly."
On June 18, Daschle succeeded in procedurally blocking Brownback from obtaining
a vote on an amendment to bar the U.S. Patent Office from issuing patents on
humans, including cloned human embryos.
In April, the House passed the Child Custody Protection Act (H.R. 476), which
would penalize those who take minors across state lines to evade laws that
require parental notification prior to an abortion. But Daschle and Senate
Judiciary Committee Chairman Pat Leahy (D-Vt.) are expected to block the
measure, just as they have on the Unborn Victims of Violence Act.
Partial-Birth Abortion
On June 19, Congressman Steve Chabot (R-Oh.) and other pro-life House members
re-introduced the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act (H.R. 4965). This legislation,
which NRLC helped originate and strongly supports, is expected to pass the House
this summer. Its prospects in the Senate are cloudy.
President Clinton vetoed bills to ban partial-birth abortion in 1996 and 1997.
On each occasion, the House voted to override the vetoes, but pro-life forces
fell short of the required two-thirds majority in the Senate. President Bush has
said that he would sign such a ban into law.
Free Speech About Politicians
In the current Congress, there was one key issue on which the Senate and the
House did agree -- but not to the advantage of pro-life groups. On April 2,
2001, the Senate passed the McCain-Feingold "campaign finance reform" bill,
59-41. NRLC strongly opposed the bill because it contained multiple provisions
to restrict the right of NRLC, NRLC affiliates, and other citizen groups to
communicate with the public about the actions of members of Congress, and
regarding upcoming congressional votes. House Republican leaders also opposed
the bill, but a majority of House members signed a "discharge petition" that
forced the very similar Shays-Meehan measure to the House floor, where it passed
on February 14, 2002, 240-189. The Senate gave final approval to the measure on
March 20, 2002, by a vote of 60-40, and President Bush signed it into law. The
bill's provisions will take effect immediately after the general election of
November 5, 2002, unless they are struck down in court, where NRLC and other
groups are challenging many of the bill's restrictions on constitutional
grounds.
Congressional Scorecards
For the 107th Congress (2001-2002), the NRLC scorecards shown on this site are
not final, because both the House and the Senate will vote on additional
pro-life issues before adjourning in early October, prior to the November 5
congressional election.
For the House of Representatives, there have so far (as of June 19, 2002) been
12 NRLC-scored roll calls in the 107th Congress, which are compiled in the
scorecard-to-date.
Click Here
This website also contains the complete NRLC House scorecards for the 105th
Congress (1997-98) and the 106th Congress (1999-2000).
During the 107th Congress to date (June 9, 2002), the full Senate has not
conducted any roll call votes on issues "scored" by NRLC, other than the two
roll calls on the McCain-Feingold/Shays-Meehan legislation described above. This
website also includes complete NRLC Senate scorecards for the 105th Congress
(1997-98) and the 106th Congress (1999-2000).