To view or download NRLC's December
20, 2009 letter to the U.S. Senate explaining in
detail the pro-life objections to the Reid manager's
amendment, click
here.
(PDF file)
Statement by the
National Right to Life Committee on the new Reid
abortion language (Reid "manager's amendment" to H.R.
3590)
WASHINGTON (December 19,
2009) – The National Right to Life Committee (NRLC), the
federation of right-to-life organizations in all 50
states, strongly opposes the abortion language contained
in the "manager's amendment" (amendment no. 3276) that
was filed today by U.S. Senate Democratic Leader Harry
Reid (Nv.) to his pending health care bill (H.R. 3590).
This statement may be attributed to NRLC Legislative
Director Douglas Johnson.
The Reid manager's
amendment is light years removed from the Stupak-Pitts
Amendment that was approved by the House of
Representatives on November 7 by a bipartisan vote of
240-194. The new abortion language solves none of the
fundamental abortion-related problems with the Senate
bill, and it actually creates some new abortion-related
problems.
NRLC will score the
upcoming roll call votes on cloture on the Reid
manager's amendment, and on the underlying bill, as
votes in favor of legislation to allow the federal
government to subsidize private insurance plans that
cover abortion on demand, to oversee multi-state plans
that cover elective abortions, and to empower federal
officials to mandate that private health plans cover
abortions even if they do not accept subsidized
enrollees, among other problems.
In addition, if the final
bill produced by a House-Senate conference committee
does not contain the Stupak-Pitts Amendment, NRLC will
score the House and Senate roll calls on the conference
report (final bill) as votes to allow federal mandates
and subsidies for coverage of elective abortion.
This statement represents
NRLC's initial assessment of changes made in the
2,074-page Reid bill by the 383-page manager's
amendment. NRLC will issue more detailed analysis later
that will speak to other objectionable elements of the
revised Reid legislation, pertaining to other policy
issues of concern to NRLC. Regarding the abortion
language, however, we can already say that the Reid
language is completely unacceptable for reasons that
include the following:
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The language violates the
principles of the Hyde Amendment by requiring the
federal government to pay premiums for private
health plans that will cover any or all abortions. The
federal subsidies would be subject to a convoluted
bookkeeping requirement, different in detail but similar
in kind to the Capps-Waxman accounting scheme that the
House of Representatives rejected when it adopted the
Stupak-Pitts Amendment on November 7. The Reid manager's
amendment requires that all enrollees in an
abortion-covering plan make a separate payment into an
account that will pay for abortions, but the amendment
also contains language [Section 1303 (b)(3)(A) and
(b)(3)(B)] that is apparently intended to prevent or
discourage any insurer from explaining what this
surcharge is to be used for. Moreover, there is nothing
in the language to suggest that payment of the abortion
charge is optional for any enrollee.
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The so-called "firewall"
between federal funds and private funds is merely a
bookkeeping gimmick, inconsistent with the
long-established principles that govern existing
federal health programs, such as the Hyde Amendment.
Moreover, the Reid "firewall" is made of rice paper – it
exists only so long as the annual appropriations bill
for the Department of Health and Human Services
continues to contain the Hyde Amendment.
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At any future
date when the congressional appropriators and/or the
President decide to block renewal of the Hyde Amendment,
the Reid bookkeeping requirements would automatically
evaporate, and insurers could pay for elective abortions
with the federal subsidies without even bookkeeping
requirements. This is in stark contrast with the
Stupak-Pitts Amendment, which would permanently prohibit
the federal subsidies from paying any part of the
premium of a plan that covers elective abortions (while
explicitly affirming that insurers may sell, and persons
may buy, through the Exchanges, plans that cover any or
all abortions, as long as federal subsidies are not used
to purchase such plans).
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In place of the original
"public option" provisions in the Reid bill, the Reid
manager's amendment establishes a new program under
which the federal government (the Office of Personnel
Management, OPM) would administer a program of
"multi-state" health plans offered by private insurers.
The amendment says (on page 56) that the OPM director
"shall ensure that . . . there is at least one such plan
that does not provide coverage of" abortions beyond the
types of abortions that are funded under the federal
Medicaid program in any given year, which is described
as "assured availability of varied coverage." This seems
to envision a system under which the OPM director would
administer multi-state plans that cover elective
abortions, and perhaps even possess authority to require
such plans to cover elective abortions, as long as the
diector also ensured that there was one plan that did
not cover abortions (except types of abortions also
funded by the federal Medicaid program). This would be a
sharp break from the policy that has long governed the
Federal Employees Health Benefits program, which is also
a program administered by OPM, under which private plans
are completely prohibited from covering elective
abortions if they wish to participate in the program.
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The Reid manager's
amendment contains a new section [Section 1303(a)(1)]
providing that a state "may elect to prohibit abortion
coverage in qualified health plans offered through an
Exchange in such State if such State enacts a law to
provide for such prohibition." The original Reid bill
already contained a clause preventing pre-emption of
state laws relating to insurance coverage of abortion
[see Section 1303 (b)(1)]. The new opt-out clause
[Section 1303 (a)], in contrast, is defective in several
important respects. First, it apparently would apply
only to laws enacted in the future. Other new
language in the manager's amendment [Section 1303 (b)
(1)(A)(ii)] might be construed to conflict with some
existing state laws. Moreover, it is unclear how the
state opt-out clause would be interpreted in light of
other provisions in the bill, including the authority
granted to the director of the Office of Personnel
Management to set rules for the new federal program of
multi-state plans.
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The House-passed health
bill contains language to prevent federal Executive
Branch officials from requiring private health plans to
cover abortions. However, the Senate on December 3
adopted an amendment (the Mikulski Amendment) that could
be employed by the HHS to require all private health
plans to cover all abortions, simply by defining them as
"preventive care," as Senator Ben Nelson pointed out in
his December 3 floor statement explaining his vote
against the Mikulski Amendment. The Reid manager's
amendment prevents the Secretary of Health and Human
Services from defining elective abortion as an "essential benefit," but it does not remove the entirely
separate authority granted by the Mikulski Amendment to
mandate that all plans cover abortion by defining
abortion as a "preventive" service. As NRLC noted
in our
November 30 letter to the Senate opposing the Mikulski
Amendment, a number of pro-abortion authorities have
already begun to classify abortion as a "preventive"
service.
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The manager's amendment
inserts into the bill, by reference, the entire text of
the Indian Health reauthorization bill (S. 1790). This
language is objectionable because it does not contain an
amendment (the Vitter Amendment) that was adopted by the
Senate on February 26, 2008, by a vote of 52-42, during
consideration of Indian health reauthorization
legislation. The Vitter Amendment would permanently
prohibit coverage of elective abortions in federally
funded Indian health programs. That roll call was the
last time that Indian health reauthorization legislation
was on the Senate floor.
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The "conscience"
protection for health care providers (sometimes referred
to as "the Weldon language"), which was included in the
House-passed health bill (H.R. 3962, Section 259), is
not included in the Reid manager's amendment.
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